Nostrum Tempus: Interview with Vice-Admiral Alexandre Reis Rodrigues

1. As Vice-Admiral of the Portuguese Navy in retirement, and considering many other positions you have occupied throughout your career, you have certainly followed with great attention the rebuilding of the Portuguese naval force and strategic concept over the last decades. From your perspective, what is the biggest challenge yet faced by the Portuguese Navy and that the one still to overcome?

It is difficult to isolate a single challenge faced by the Portuguese War Navy, even in such limited time span, let us say over the past five decades. There were many and with great impact.
Chronologically, in that period, what must be referred to is beyond a shadow of a doubt is the creation of the Marine Corps in the early 1960s, when the colonial wars started. For the Navy it was a matter of finding a way to more directly participate in the military effort that needed to be developed on land, beyond that occurring at sea, rivers, bays, etc. The creation of the Marine Corps was the solution found.
Without any structure or formation level to operation on land, it was necessary to start from zero, starting by sending a small team to the United Kingdom to participate in the commandos course of the British Royal Navy that then launched the foundations of the Marine Academy. Henceforth it was all a great challenge, especially in what regarded special personal formation for many that to rapidly readapt to a sometimes unexpected, sudden and radial reorientation of their careers. Young officials that expected to disembark once passed through the Naval Academy were brought in into the Marine Corps, first to undertake a specialization course and then to be shipped for a two years commission in Africa.

The other big challenges that the Navy surpassed over that period are related to re-equipment. The first occurred in the late 1960s when we experienced an almost complete renewal of the Navy, including the construction of four war vessels of the class “João Belo”, of four submarines, two series of new corvettes (ten in total), of patrolling boats and speedboats. The majority of these new tools introduced important technological advancements with substantial requirements on training personnel.

The second challenge was the coming into duty of the “Vasco da Gama” class vessels which, in fact, represented the biggest technological jump ever undertaken. At the same time, we experienced the introduction of air forces with naval helicopter operability as a complement to the vessels’ functioning; the most notable fact about this particular project concerned we completing operability within the very short period of around 2 years, when it was expected to take 3 times as much.

From then onward, the Navy assured its capacity to maintain multilateral naval forces control capability, as it occurred in 1995 in NATO’s Standing Naval Force, then embarked on a year-long mission to blockade the former Republics of Yugoslavia.
Notwithstanding the new challenges that the coming into force of new equipment will bring (especially the submarines) I do not think there reside the biggest challenges of the future. The main challenge will certainly by in finding imaginative solutions that will allow diminishing the difficulties of a low budget while modernizing to the recommended level.

2. The Portuguese Armed Forces have demonstrated their continuous public service in fora and international areas with particular excellence (Afghanistan, Iraq, East-Timor, etc), considering the lack of resources and political priorities that sometimes restrict a freer and broadening strategic national interest. In a brief way, could you refer the various dimensions in which the Armed Forces are currently represented, and how do they interact to promote the national interest?

Portugal has a very positive and diversified register of participations in almost every military operations NATO and the EU have been involved, since the end of the Cold War.
However, many difficulties on the equipment level, where some deficiencies have been felt in several occasions, have managed to accomplish a level of success widely acknowledged. Around 30.000 troops from all three branches have gone through almost every territory in crisis or conflicts, or areas requiring humanitarian assistance. In same cases within the scope of international organizations above mentioned, others in an autonomous spectrum, as it happened in the intervention in Guinea-Bissau with the recovery of national and foreign citizens whose security the local government could no longer assure, due to a military coup that tried to overtake it.

Portugal also had two opportunities to claim NATO’s Standing Naval Force in 1995/1996 and in 2001/2002, the most prestigious rapid reaction force of the Alliance.
This record of military interventions abroad, within the collective effort of peace keeping and stability missions in the world, have built a channel to prestigiously reaffirm the national reputation and image, thus being an instrument of foreign policy that needs due consideration.

3. Now regarding NATO, the continuous enlargement toward East seems to be shifting a traditional communitarian priority on the Atlantic region where the strategic positioning of Portugal and other lusophone countries is more relevant, thus opting for a dialogue US-EU-Russia. Although considering the joint exercise between NATO and Cape Verde in 2006, is the Alliance’s agenda favourable or unfavourable to the rapprochement between the countries of the Atlantic Lusophony?

It seems very clear to me that the Alliance’s agenda, highly influenced by the strategic interests of the United States, is oriented into a global dimension with many objectives, instead of the traditionally regional spectrum of collective defence and single purpose. The importance of the Atlantic, that has always been the most visible side of its posture during the Cold War, has been succeeded by the recognition of the growing relevance of Asia, thus the emerge of a regional leadership led by the US in the area.

Africa also represents a new focal point of interest; the traditional ties of European countries that had an important presence in Africa are already started to be challenged by a massive presence of Chinese interests that are now adding up with the US’, despite the difficulties of penetration the latter have been experiencing (visible, for example, in the lack of support to establish a new command to Africa).

Portugal has in its favour the knowledge of the area and the way to handle situations that, holistically, represent an important asset to the Alliance; it will have much to benefit from the Portuguese contributions in this matter, hence the country might see a gaining importance to unfold within the Alliance. However, regarding a direct relationship with Africa, Portugal will not be benefited by NATO’s new approach; maybe it will even have to face with some mistrust.

4. In that sense, Brazil is apparently the key driving force of the Lusophony into the XXI century, one in which the possible role pursued by Portugal by be one of inter-relation between different political and economic spaces. What is the importance of the Armed Forces in promoting that political agenda? Do you foresee any substantial development in the relation between Portugal and the Lusophony?

The interests of Brazil in Africa, especially in Angola, are from the time being merely economic. That reality can, however, take from Portugal some of its current activity, although it does not collide with the maintenance of close ties that are expressed on the cultural and military fields, where technical cooperation agreements still have great potential in issues of common interest. Nevertheless, the latter issue will have to be thought of in different perspectives.

5. Still regarding the Lusophony, a new trend to a bigger reflexion of the dynamics in the South Atlantic has been developing, where powers such as Brazil and South Africa, although in different areas, look to lead the South-South dialogue. As we know, Brazil and Angola are the only few countries with relevant navies able to support and promote that new demand for transatlantic partnerships, especially energy ones, although demonstrate some reluctance in doing so. What are the future dynamics that we might see unfold in that region? What actors will use the South Atlantic as a new vector of political and economic power?

6. Going back to NATO, its reformulation process in the post-Cold War era seems to anticipate the creation of new problems. Not disrespecting its military aspect, that I personally see fit to face the arising problematics, it is in its political wing that most controversies arise. In a dual policy of closing-in / backing out with Russia, as witnessed in the Nato-Russia Council (NRC), the missile defence system, enlargement, spheres of influence and partnerships, what are the expectations of that relationship still “haunted” by some ghosts of the past? Is the enlargement justified in a long-term strategic concept, or a sheer “defensive progression” until faced with a better defined and opposite system?

The continuation of NATO’s enlargement process is risking, from my perspective, to be a destabilizing factor in the relations with Russia when the exact opposite would be advisable. The particular adhesions of Ukraine and George is causing the inflammation of a Russian nationalism and a stepback into a militaristic discourse that does not serve the purpose of strategic convergence.

In fact, it was the acknowledgement of this risk that led the Europeans to insist on the US to replace a strategy of accelerating the quick adhesion of these countries for a more precautious one.

7. Carefully following the articles published at your Jornal de Defesa e Relações Internacionais (Journal of Defence and International Relations) we can easily conclude that the present conjuncture reflects a growing multipolarism with the subsequent erosion of the leadership capacity of the US in solving regional and global problematics. From the long-lasting discussion about its missile defence system, to the puzzles of Afghanistan and Iraq, the financial crisis, apparent stagnation on the War on Terror and the lost of influence in emerging powers as China, India, Russia and Brazil, the world in a state of permanent change. How do you see the international community unfold in the short-medium term? What are the problematics that will make the world’s attention?

The US will continue to be the most powerful and influent power in the world, in economic and military terms. But these advantages will not be sufficient to maintain the hegemony established after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, as these emerging powers will begin to claim for themselves their own leaderships in the regional blocs they are inserted in. The most pressing case is that of China, followed in by India to which level Brazil might one day reach.

8. Concerning a more mediatised problem, the Olympiads will probably bring some political disturbances not only until they are finished, but also in the subsequent period of time. The Tibetan and Taiwanese issues thus gain an international leverage hardly expected in a situation without so much attention on the Games. In the other hand, the problems concerning Human Rights, democratic practices, sustainability of the socio-economic model, among others, will constitute a major challenge for the government of Beijing. What is your evaluation of such a complex question? Is the boycott the best solution to press the Communist Party? What are the alternatives?

China has always had the hope to one day host the Olympic Games, in front of the whole world, for the reckoning as a great and respectful power. As it was predictable, the occasion was faced by others as a great opportunity to denounce the contradictions of the modern Chinese system, especially in the areas of democratic experience and Human Rights.

It is not plausible that China will give in in the demands and pressures it is being targeted with from Tibet, one that is hardly the only and most pressing of the issues. Stalemated by complex economic and financial interests, not only the US but also the EU will continue to press Beijing in order to adjust itself in regard to some of those pressures, as China will limit herself to manage that public relations crisis currently installed in the Western media.

9. In a war that is already longer than the Great War, the relative costs of the war in Iraq seem to surpass whatever gains. Although the nomination of General Pataeus resulted in the elimination of some of the sectarian violence, guerrilla movements persist throughout the whole country, and now with particular incidence in traditionally moderate Sunni communities. What are the solutions for this strategic puzzle? Will the US presidential elections have a decisive role in the future of the conflict, or will the next president have to continue what is being done?

The problem of Iraq will only be solved in a regional context that involves de active participation of its neighbours, particularly Iran and Syria, countries with which the Bush administration has shown great reluctance in establishing a bridge of diplomatic dialogue. Expecting no modification of the present strategy in this late stage of Bush’s mandate, we will have to wait and see that the future administration, whatever it will be, has the required predisposition to follow a new path in the search for an international and necessarily a regional solution to the problem.

10. To conclude, could you introduce the Journal of Defence and International Relations to some of the new readers, while describing its main objectives and ways of dealing with the academic community?

The Journal of Defence and International Relations was created as a way to give practical utility to the personal interest I have in following in a rather detailed manner the most relevant issues of such two topics, sharing with others the knowledge and collected information as well as the opinions meanwhile formed.

As it is clarified in the Editorial, it is a non-profitable initiative without any sort of partisan connotations and/or connections, that is open to the collaboration of those interested in this project, bearing in mind the context and goals, and a set of quality standards to assure a necessary credibility.

I have gladly received some essays from students that I have thought particularly interesting.
At the end of almost 5 years online, the site has now a regular audience, curiously and mostly original from abroad; the biggest community reading the site comes from Brazil, where I had the opportunity to form some collaboration partnerships, namely with the Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, INFOREL, O CEDIN (Centro de Direito Internacional) and Panorama Internacional.

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